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Malta and the Future of Europe

In order to identify which path the European Union must take in the future it is important to analyse what EU we have today. Undoubtedly, European integration has made gigantic leaps forward in the past half a century, arriving at a level of unity which would have definitely been unconceivable by many prior to 1945. Today’s European Union is a heavily integrated bloc of interdependent states which is about to absorb most of the former Communist part of Eastern Europe, making this Union an entity comprising 27 states by the end of the decade. During the last half a decade Europe has shown remarkable progress in integrating the economies of its member states to the extent that we now have a single European currency. EC legislation has also succeeded in guaranteeing human rights and fundamental freedoms as well as unique environmental and social standards to its citizens. The question is whether Europe has arrived at a saturation point or does the EU still have unaccomplished ambitions which it has to face in this new century?

The recent split occurred within the EU regarding the war on Iraq shows that in the Political sector, Europe is far from being politically


A debate which has been going on during the past years is related to the decision-making powers of the EU institutions. Many have claimed that a democratic deficit exists within the European Union and have proposed more competences for the European Parliament. Coming from a small country I personally disagree with such a line of thought. As a small member state it would be more beneficial if the main issues remain within the competence of national governments in the Council of Ministers or European Council.

A new development which has taken place in Europe, particularly in the European Union is the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU. This Charter is vast and is also updated for our days covering all sorts of rights from civil to political rights, from social to economic rights. As mentioned in the Preamble, the Charter is based “on the fundamental rights and freedoms recognized by the European Convention on Human Rights, the constitutional traditions of the EU Member States, the Council of Europe’s Social Charter, the Community Charter of Fundamental Social Rights of Workers and other international conventions to which the EU or its Member States are parties”. The Charter is not legally binding but it represents the guidelines upon which policies of the EU and its Member States should be made.

The amalgamation of the roles of the External Affairs Commissioner and the Council’s High Representative (Mr.CFSP) could represent a step in the right direction since it widens the competences of the EU’s “foreign affairs” representative. However, it is important to establish beforehand, who is the real representative of the EU, in order to avoid an overlapping of roles between the President of the Council, the President of the Commission and the High Representative. Such a representative should be accountable to the Council thus the national governments but should always seek advice from the Commission.

Greater role for national governments shall, undoubtedly, have to be accompanied by a greater role for national parliaments. The Working group discussing the role of “national parliaments” in the Convention has proposed greater recognition for national parliaments by having Community legislative proposals being presented to national parliaments and giving them sufficient time (6 weeks) to discuss and possibly amend such proposals. National parliaments should also have the means to review a legislative act which has substantially changed from the initial proposals. The Working Groups on the Principle of Subsidiarity has discu

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Approximate Word count = 1726
Approximate Pages = 7 (250 words per page double spaced)


  

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