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Tsembaga: Cultural Introduction, Political Life, And Comparison With Montenegro

The book “Pigs For the Ancestors” by Roy A. Rappaport is a study of Tsembaga, a group of approximately two hundred Maring-speaking people living in the Madang District of the Australian-administered Territory of New Guinea. This fieldwork has taken place from October 1962 to December 1963. The amount of contacts with Europeans at the time of study was slight (Rappaport 8).

The Tsembaga occupy an area slightly more than three square miles; the land is very mountainous and, for the most part, is heavily forested. Tsembaga are “bush-following horticulturalists”, some of their staples are taro, yam, sweet potato, manioc, and some other greens. Pig husbandry, hunting, trapping, and gathering also play a part in Tsembaga life. The tools used by Tsembaga for gardening include the digging stick, the steel ax, and the “bushknife”. Bows and arrows, spears, axes, and wooden shields are used in hunting and warfare (Rappaport 13).

Rituals play extremely important role in Tsembaga’s life. They help to protect people from the possible parasitism and competition of their pigs, to allocate people over land, to regulate the frequency of warfare, to ease the severity of intergroup fighting, and facilitate the exchange of goods and


Despite of the number of similarities between the political organizations, the decision-making structure is different. Tsembaga are truly egalitarian. Everyone in clan has voice in decision-making, and everyone may attempt to initiate some action, and instigate others to follow. In Montenegro, however, each clan has it’s own chief, tended to be chosen from the same patriline as long as competent male was available, but was freely elected and could be deposed (Boehm 49).

The Tsembaga are divided into five patrilineal clans, which range from fifteen to seventy-eight persons. Although all the clans claim common ancestry, the members of only one of the clan have actually descended from one person. The three largest clans are also divided into three “subclans.” Subclan men claim that they have descended from an ancestor less remote than common clan ancestor, but sometimes they cannot demonstrate this descent. Although there are five clans, the territory is divided into three adjacent strips. One clan has eastern part, one has western, and three other clans share the central one. Subterritories are then divided into smaller areas claimed by smaller patrilineal units. Then these areas are divided into garden sites, generally less than one acre, claimed by individual man. Males have rights in the entire estate in garden land of the subterritorial group by virtue of clan or subclan membership. Although individual man gets particular garden sites either through patrilineal inheritance or by clearing forest, adjustments are also made. If a man is short of inherited land he can ask a better-endowed member of his subclan for some portion of his site. Moreover, if the whole subclan is short in land it can get some from other subclans (Rappaport 17-19).

personnel between local groups (Rappaport 4). The Tsembaga form a single territorial unit, and all Tsembaga may hunt, trap, and gather in any part of the territory. The members of other local groups cannot use the recourses of the Tsembaga territory, and Tsembaga cannot use the recourses of other groups. Although the entire territory is open for the hunting and gathering of all Tsemba

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Territory Guinea, Roy Rappaport, Tsembaga Montenegrins, “big man”, political structure, , claim common ancestry, garden land, local marriage, common ancestry, claim common, clans tribe, status “big, tsembaga divided, structure tsembaga,

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Approximate Word count = 1446
Approximate Pages = 6 (250 words per page double spaced)


  

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