'Social stratification' is the term used to describe systematic structures of inequality. In pre-industrial or traditional societies, inequalities and thus social stratification were widely held to be natural. Aristotle stated that 'by nature' there were free men and slaves, yet if inequalities are natural, Crompton suggests there be no need to explain them. The Hindu Caste system, as with the Feudal system of western Europe, both saw inequality as natural, yet it was not until the seventeenth century that, by virtue of their humanity, all humans were thought to be born equal. From this moment the need for a sociological explanation of 'class' arose. In this essay I shall first briefly outline the history of the concept of 'class' and then evaluate this concept in modern terms with specific reference to two key papers, by Pahl (1989) and Goldthorpe and Marshall (1992).

It was the social contract theorists, Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau, who first arrived at explanations of inequality in the eighteenth century. As traditional society gave way to the more modern forms of capitalist industrialism, rationality governed the modern economic order, and the landless labourer was created, an individu

It is therefore evident that the definition and relative size of the working class has changed significantly over the second half of the twentieth century, and the evidence of occupational class schemes might continue to demonstrate that occupational class and voting behaviour were still closely related, yet it is difficult make a strong cases to the effect that the working class, or indeed any other class, in the West has been engaged in any sustained 'revolutionary action' since the second world war

A major point of conflict between the theoretical approaches of Marx and Weber concerns the question of class action. Although Mark's writings on this point are ambiguous, it is difficult to dispute the fact that he viewed class conflict as the major motor of social change. Weber on the other hand, saw class conflict as contingent, that is as highly likely to occur, but by no means inevitable. He did certainly not view class as the only or even major force of societal transformation. The foundings of the debate as to the 'declining significance of class are therefore well established in the roots of sociological theory.

Those who believe that the impact of class on lifechances is in decline, must follow the natural progression to the further claim that class is also of reduced importance in the determination of the response of individuals to their social situation, particularly through political partisanship. Class, it is suggested, is dissolving as the basis of political partisanship, and this is most evident in the declining support of working class for the parties of the left. Goldthorpe and Marshall cite the Conservative election wins of 1979 and 1983 as evidence of this, yet argue that this class dealignment is due not to a disappearance of the working class, instead a change in the shape of class structure, most importantly the growth of the services sector and decline in manufacturing. And secondly, the change in the number of parties actually contesting political elections. Again it is suggested that class maintains its role as a useful analytical tool.

Pahl notes the flexibility of the applications of this model, to minority groups such as gays, squatters, single parents and any other group which feels it is being oppressed. Furthermore it might be applied to larger scenarios, to Nation States and groups of Nations such as the EEC. He argues however that the model is rarely invoked to explain the top down revolutions of scenarios such as the collapse of the Soviet Union, or social change originating at the top of social structure, for example 'Thatcher's Britain'. Pahl questions the fundamental assumption that S produces C more readily amongst the powerless than the powerful.

Furthermore it has been argued that 'new social movements' have taken over the role of classes as agents of change in the political environment. Environmental groups, groups concerned with world peace, and representatives of women and subordinate ethnic groups are now shaping the face of political change. Rights are being extended beyond human adults, to include their children and animals. The support of these 'new social movements' cuts across the boundaries of class and contributes further to the weakening of old class politics and class based political action.

Some topics in this essay:
Goldthorpe Marshall, Western Europe, Britain' Pahl, Marx Engels, Holton Turner, Registrar General's, Marx Weber, Structure-Consciousness-Action SCA, Hindu Caste, Marxist Weberian, concept class, goldthorpe marshall, class analysis, analytical tool, twentieth century, social change, class action, pahl holton turner, division labour, holton turner, political partisanship, 'new social movements', critics pahl holton, useful analytical tool, half twentieth century,