In fact, they even addressed the central leaders of CCP as beloved and respected, and showed their trust in the leaders to solve the problems. The workers also emphasized that their grievances were in line with the parties laws and policies, and drew a clear wedge between national leaders and corrupted local officials. Similarly, in the April 2 Incident in 1994, the protesting peasants were not really ideologically attacking the communist rule . Their revolt was simply based on economic grievances they had to pay unbearable amount of taxes to the corrupted local officials, and when they could no longer afford they would be treated brutally by shock teams. In both examples of large-scale protests, we can hardly see any evidence showing that the workers or peasants were hoping to challenge the existing political structure from the ideological basis, although they do require some extent of democratic changes.
The intellectuals on the other hand, have been keen in seeking a political or ideological reform in the country. In the reform era, CCP loosened its grip on thoughts of the people. People were then allowed to personally think about and even distrust the authority; instead of blindly following the official line of interpretation . Such change affect the intellectual group the most, as they have contact with information from different resources, especially the controversial ones. Therefore they are more likely to form political views that contrast ones of the ruling CCP. Unlike the working class and the peasants, intellectuals realize that the problems that Chinese people resent actually root in the political system and its ideological basis. Although as the minority of Chinese population, the intellectual group failed to win much concession from the current communist regime. To illustrate, in the Hundred Flowers Campaign, it was the intellectuals, especially the young students who actively suggested political and ideological reform to the CCP.