(Locke s essay on.
find out who are those - people and/or national political actors, including.
nongovernmetal actors - who really want a European Constitution. To what.
extent do they really want what kind of constitution? The more we ask, the.
more we get onto empirical grounds, the more we shall have to be specific.
I. Who are "we- - a "people of Europe-?.
Usually we assume a minimum homogeneity for those who intend to draft a.
constitution for themselves. In this center of advanced international studies (the.
prestigous Paul Nitze School, here in Bologna) it doesn't need further.
explanation that this homogeneity is crucial in Europe, to say the least, crucial.
for good reasons, namely for the plurality of Europe's cultures/traditions and.
interests. Cross-national opinion polls prove that at this moment in time there is.
no collective European identity - at least when you ask the population itself.
instead of politicians on such a mysterious thing (a myth as many authors.
assume) as a common cultural heritage. Nevertheless we know of several.
political values shared by the overwhelming majority of all Europeans in our.
days (overhead II). They are, in fact, already enumerated in the official.
documents of the EU (for instance in the recent Declaration of Laeken.
Questions are.
(a) whether the community of those sharing these values already.
generates a European people, even an European Demos", and, if so,.
(b) whether the institutionalization of these values - for instance in a.
constitution - already create an European Democracy"?.
education (genauer Titel??) is much less known than Rousseau's prominent novel, perhaps the most famous.
novel on education at all: the Emile".).
2.
I. Germany's support for a European Constitution.
My numbers (overhead no. II) shows that on average (over all 15 countries of.
the EU) 55 percent of Europe s population think of themselves as being.
Europeans as well as members of their nations. That may be less than true.