abortion

[. . .] any other kind was an aberration - (Maloy and Patterson 16). Then as the 1958 recession drew near, once again, women entered the working scene in order to maintain the standard of living. This newfound desire to be employment included one third of women triggering a major shift in perspective. Some women's attitudes began to shy away from tradition, other did not. In addition, sexuality was becoming more liberalized; between nineteen sixty and nineteen seventy-five, divorce rates skyrocketed by a whopping two hundred percent, and the wave of single adults was gaining momentum (Maloy and Patterson 72). In short, inevitable cultural and economic adjustments were altering the shape of the American family, while traditional government policies were not addressing the liberalizing status quo of family life. Yes, these transformations were a degradation of society; but impeding these adaptations, realistically, are beyond government control. .
             The abortion matter was accumulating attention rapidly, being ram sacked with questions such as: what is the starting point of conception? Should a woman be allowed to reverse her pregnancy? Answers to these mind-boggling questions were yet to be answered in the infamous trial of Roe v, Wade (Maloy and Patterson 77). A glimpse into this reveals a woman, Norma McCorvey, under the pseudonym of Jane Roe. Use of this false name was to ensure privacy essential to the case (Herda 23). Roe's lawyers, Sarah Weddington and Linda Coffee, were eager to take a shot at mending out-of-date abortion policies, and McCorvey seemed the perfect client. Though Roe admitted to an unstable past, Roe firmly claimed her impregnation was a result of rape. Despite McCorvey's oreckless lifestyle, the two lawyers decided to proceed with the ongoing trial. Issues probed throughout this trial included whether "[. . .] an unborn fetus is a person" (White qtd. in Herda 73), and if this question was a "[ .